PERU NEEDS AN ANTI-MONOPOLY LAW AND PRIVATE PROPERTY

IN URGENT NEED OF ANTI-MONOPOLY AND PRIVATE PROPERTY LAWS 

In Peru we still so far behind that business structures and guilds believe that we live in feudalism, is a field so broad backlog reaching up governance structures and society, it is time for that the country needs to evolve from the fifteenth century to the XXI century, monopolies are gone "Feudal". What about congressmen who do not make a law of "Fair Trade" and private property? (laws of "fair trade") that exist in the advanced democracies of the world where the basic principles inclusion and equality in business, services, antitrust and other laws also protect the rights of property. 

Do not they know, these inept congressmen that in Peru to evolve and to be a real democracy must exist these minimum rights and basic laws? Corrupt politicians, corrupt public officials, corrupt journalists, common employee is bullied to go with the corruption flow and cannot do anything about it and forcing everyone must join the parallel system and live in the corruption circle is such that "a corruption form and standard is the norm" 

According to the UPC (Catholic University) studies on corruption, Peru is 77% corrupt by force, 75% of Peruvians are obligated in a corruption modus operandis they are bound to be part of this medium, because otherwise nothing works anywhere. The media is corrupt also it only functions with "payola". It cannot be possible that in our country no justice is done, justice is for the corrupt or for the guy who pays the most, in the judiciary system everything is done with bribes, bribing is the only way to get things done, the way to get on the right track set, if the allegations are not mediatic you may not get into the system you must bribe the state attorney and the police to get your file going otherwise you will never have your case seen by a judge, it is a vicious circle, if the complaint is not in the broadcasting system or any type of media you might never get a piece of justice all is done if you have made a media scandal is the way in this parsley circus and it must be tailored and have all the paraphernalia to be "morbid" or you will never get published and everything is filed by the complainant will be thrown away is therefore designed and ordered to pay bribes in the prosecution or the police and if it is a political issue will file all or is put in the infernal limbo rocker, 

There must be a legal reform and Anti-monopoly laws such power of the media today is controlled by only one family who plays as the media octopus they own 87% of all newspapers radios, internet, TV, broadcasting distributing that has that media circus by the balls then. the Octopus media mogul now wants more power to be the God of all Feudal Lords becoming the oil octopus because he has recently purchased all places of storage and distribution of fuel and oils, lubricants and gas will not only be able to handle and manipulate what people hear, see and think, now he will be the one who controls all prices, his last name appears in the socialite pages in all his papers and magazines the last name is Miró Quesada Grana Montero also owns the largest and most powerful construction mafia and gets all the states and country infrastructure bids all the time the state infrastructure monster Graña-Montero, this fellow is a complete octopus, he is also in real estate and people know his nephew squatters land and has an army of thugs with heavy weaponry for land trafficking,

 The underworld rules in Peru and feudalism still at large and mobsters called “politicians” uses these guilds and control the country, the country is a Narc state and all the people hear in the news about killings and narc traffic deals involve and signal a political party as per AL Capone once ruled the organized crime in New York, here we have the politicians like Al you must add “lan” to the name and you get Aprista Mafia´s king pin Alan García Perez, Perú ex-president all the latest events have pointing at him adding a Congressed Mega commission who tries  to convict him from liberating 2,500 drug trafficking convicts during his latest mandate, everything signals him to be the guy behind all illegal business since 1985 obviously he gets infinite impunity cause he pays everyone  will be handled with black money laundering and drug money creating the perfect machine for living the easy money way; these "feudal" monopoly groups are paid so low to stay in their economic power and political control and are accomplices of the trap, armored, of shenanigans, of ignorance of the mass, ruling of the monopoly of "feudal lords" rings and corrupt brotherhoods  continue free doing what they like organized crime, land traffic, drugs, influences, human trafficking, children, usurpation property, land, mining, and illegal logging.

LEY ANTI-MONOPOLIO Y DE PROPIEDAD PRIVADA (OPINION)

Ayer se difundió el último reporte anual sobre libertad de prensa que elabora la organización estadounidense Freedom House. En él, el Perú no sale muy bien parado, pues obtuvo su peor puntaje en los últimos diez años. El estudio ubica a nuestro país en un rango de "libertad de prensa parcial".“En agosto de 2013, el conglomerado de medios más grande del Perú, el Grupo El Comercio, adquirió el 54% de la Empresa Periodística Nacional (Epensa), que maneja los diarios Ojo, Correo, Bocón y Ajá. Esta compra le otorga al Grupo El Comercio –que ya es la compañía periodística más grande del país y que domina todo el sector de la prensa escrita– el 78% del mercado de periódicos en el Perú. Diversos grupos periodísticos han expresado su preocupación por la movida del Grupo El Comercio, que ha sido criticado por su cobertura política, pues afectaría negativamente la diversidad de opinión en la prensa peruana.”

En el Perú seguimos tan atrasados que las estructuras de negocios y cofradías creen que vivimos en el feudalismo, es un ámbito de atraso tan amplio que alcanza hasta las estructuras de gobierno y nuestra sociedad, es hora pues que mutemos del siglo XV al siglo XXI y se acaben con los monopolios "Feudales “

¿Qué pasa con los congresistas que no hacen una ley de "Fair Trade" y de propiedad privada? (leyes de "comercio justo") que existen en las democracias avanzadas del mundo donde existen los principios básicos de inclusión y de igualdad en los negocios, servicios, leyes anti-monopólicas y otra también de defensa de los derechos de propiedad. ¿Acaso no saben estos otorongos ineptos que para que en el Perú exista una verdadera democracia tienen que existir estos mínimos derechos y leyes básicas? Los políticos corruptos, los empleados públicos corruptos, los periodistas corruptos, el empleado común esta coexionado y no puede hacer nada al respecto y se une al sistema paralelo y viven en la corruptela de tal manera que es "la forma y la norma", según los estudios de la UPC sobre la corrupción en el Perú el 75 % de los Peruanos piensan que están obligados a ser parte de este medio, por que de otra manra nada funciona.

 Hasta los medios de comunicación funcionan con la "payola". No puede ser posible que en nuestro país no se haga justicia en el poder judicial por la vía correcta establecida, si las denuncias no son mediáticas, si no se hace la denuncia en escándalo mediático y se forma un circo perejil con "morbo" no se publica ni mierda y se archiva todo por consiguiente el denunciante está condenado a pagar coimas en la Fiscalía o en la policía y si es un tema político se le archiva todo o se le pone en el limbo de la mecedora infernal, que tal poder de mierda que tiene ese pulpo de los medios entonces. 

El pulpo de los medios de comunicación ahora será también el pulpo del petróleo porque ha comprado todos los centros de almacenamiento y distribución del combustible y tendrá no sólo un poder de manipular lo que la gente oye, ve y piensa si no ahora también controlará los precios de todo también porque se apellida Miró Quesada Graña Montero apoquinará también lo de infraestructuras estatales, un pulpo completo, Estas cofradías serán manipuladas con los dineros negros del lavado de activos y los dineros del narcotráfico creando la perfecta lavadora por que viven de la plata fácil que estos grupos monopólicos "feudales" les pagan por lo bajo para mantenerse en sus poderes económicos y de control político y son cómplices, de la trampa, del blindado, de los chanchullos, de la ignorancia, del monopolio de "los señores feudales", argollas y cofradías corruptas del crimen organizado, del tráfico de tierras, de drogas, de influencias, trata de personas, niños, usurpasión de propiedades, predios, la minería, y tala ilegal.

ESTE ES EL REPORTE

Freedom of the press is guaranteed by the 1993 constitution, but local and international media organizations continued to express concern about the use of criminal defamation statutes against journalists and the continued harassment of reporters by both state and nonstate actors in 2013. A merger in the newspaper industry led to further consolidation of Peru’s already-concentrated media sector.

Politicians frequently react to criticism, particularly corruption allegations, by suing journalists, press outlets, and activists. Defamation remains a criminal offense that can result in imprisonment, though suspended sentences are more common. In October 2013, two journalists from the newspaper La Calle in the city of Ayacucho were sentenced for defamation in separate cases related to their reporting on irregularities in public works projects. Esther Valenzuela Zorrilla, the newspaper’s editor, was convicted of defaming Ernesto Molina Chávez, the former president of Ayacucho region. She received a two-year suspended prison sentence and was fined $9,000. La Callecontributor Asencio Canchari Sulca, meanwhile, received a two-year suspended sentence and was ordered to pay $1,000 after being convicted of defaming Magno Sosa Rojas, a former adviser to the regional government’s current president, Wilfredo Oscorima Núñez. In May, Alcides Peñaranda Oropeza, editor of the newspaper and magazine Integracíon, received a two-year suspended sentence and was ordered to pay $3,700 in civil damages after he reprinted an article from another source alleging that César Álvarez Aguilar, head of the Áncash region in northern Peru, had received protection from local prosecutors. Peñaranda and the manager of Integración, Yolanda Quito Camones, also reported receiving threats from people loyal to Áncash government officials. In a positive development, blogger José Godoy was acquitted in April 2013; he was originally convicted of defaming a cabinet minister in 2010, and the case had undergone several levels of appeal.

A controversial bill, proposed by President Ollanta Humala in 2012, that would criminalize the denial of terrorist crimes committed and make violations punishable by 6 to 12 years in prison continued to be debated in Congress in 2013. Human Rights Watch and local and international press groups criticized the law for the stifling effect its vague terms could have on free expression.

Despite the existence of access to information laws, adherence to transparency norms is inconsistent, particularly at the regional and local levels. In December 2012, the government published a legislative decree denying the public access to any information related to national security and defense. Any person who reveals such information could be charged with a criminal offense and punished by up to 15 years in prison. The national ombudsman’s office, the Defensoría del Pueblo, submitted a challenge to the decree to Peru’s Constitutional Court. The case was still pending at the end of 2013. Additionally, in October Humala signed a new Cybercrime Law, approved by Congress in a closed-door session in September, which press groups worry will undermine transparency and access to information. The law restricts the use of government data by imposing a three- to six-year sentence for people found guilty of intercepting computer information from a public institution. It weakens the most important component of Peru’s 2002 transparency law, which allows for the creation of government databases that the public can access to track spending, by establishing a three- to five-year sentence for tracking information via database on any aspect of a person’s personal, family, financial, or professional life.

There is no independent media regulatory body in Peru; under the 2004 Radio and Television Law, broadcast licensing is the responsibility of the Ministry of Transport and Communications. Outright censorship of content is not practiced. However, journalists often experience pressure from government officials, business interests, and media owners to self-censor or limit coverage of sensitive topics.

Physical attacks and threats against media workers continue to create a hostile climate for the press. The National Association of Peruvian Journalists (ANP) reported 131 press freedom violations in 2013, including physical and verbal attacks, threats and harassment, administrative and judicial pressure, and impediments to practicing journalism. Northern Peru continues to be an especially dangerous region for journalists. Topics such as corruption and misuse of state resources, drug trafficking, and mining-related social conflict are considered particularly dangerous to cover. In February, prominent photojournalist Luís Choy Yin Sandoval of the country’s leading newspaper, El Comercio, was gunned down by a hit man outside his home in Lima, the capital. In June, two men who confessed to accepting $100,000 for Choy’s murder were themselves killed by Peruvian police after escaping from prison. The organizers of the assassination were still at large at year’s end.

There were a number of other high-profile attacks on journalists and media outlets in 2013. In January, Nixon Solórzano Bernales, a television host at Channel 25 in the northern Cajamarca region, was stabbed by an assailant who Solórzano had accused of involvement in a domestic violence case. In May in the province of Chiclayo, journalist Jorge Moncada Mino, editor of the dailyEl Ciclón and director of Radio Kaliente, was attacked by two unknown assailants. In July, an explosive device was detonated at the door of Radio Tropicana in the Junín region. Earlier that week, a journalist at the station had during one of his programs discussed an alleged violation of labor regulations by the administration of a local municipality. And in December, attackers detonated an explosive at the home of Edvan Ríos Chanca, a journalist who frequently reported on alleged corruption in the regional government in Junín.

There were also instances in which government officials threatened, harassed, or otherwise interfered with the work of journalists. In July, Fernando Valverde, a journalist who had reported on accusations of domestic violence against the mayor of the town of Llumpa in Áncash, received death threats that caused him to flee to Lima. The owner of Radio La Voz, in the Amazonas region, claimed that the station continued to be subjected to political reprisals by the armed forces for its reporting on a 2009 clash between soldiers and indigenous protesters, including being forced off the air for 14 months.

Impunity for perpetrators of attacks on journalists continues to be a problem. According to the Peruvian Press Council (CPP), the murders of 57 journalists between 1982 and 2011 remain unsolved. However, in a positive development, in August 2013 a magistrate on the National Criminal Court brought a case against Marco Antonio Rivero Huerta, mayor of the Comandante Noel de Casma district in Áncash, and five accomplices for the 2011 murder of journalist Pedro Flores Silva.

The government owns one television network and two radio stations, and operates the print news agency Andina. However, private outlets dominate the media industry, and the audience for state-run media is relatively small. Radio is an important news medium, especially in the countryside, and many incidents of harassment, intimidation, and censorship by media owners are related to radio coverage of local issues. The media corruption that was endemic during Alberto Fujimori’s presidency in the 1990s continues to some extent, with journalists occasionally accepting bribes in exchange for slanted coverage.

In August 2013, Peru’s largest media group, Grupo El Comercio, purchased a 54 percent stake in Empresa Periodistica Nacional S.A. (Epensa), which owns the dailies Ojo, Correo, El Bocón, and Ajá. The purchase gives Grupo El Comercio, already the largest media company in the country and the dominant player in the country’s print media sector with the El Comercio newspaper, a 78 percent share of Peru’s newspaper market. Press groups expressed concern that the purchase by Grupo El Comercio, which has been criticized for its politicized news coverage, will negatively affect the diversity of opinion in the country’s media. In November, eight journalists, including the editor of La República, El Comercio’s main rival, filed suit in the Constitutional Court to block the merger.

In 2013, 39 percent of Peruvians had access to the internet, with no reported government restrictions on users’ activity. Web-based media content and social-media use have been steadily increasing in recent years, particularly in the urban areas.